A Genuine Fight Against Tribalism is Required

The view that systemic tribalism is central to the post-colonial Zimbabwe State is widely accepted in Matabeleland; the damage it is causing to Matabeleland has no precedence, even Rhodesian racism was not as effective; we recognise that institutional tribalism is crippling all facets of our society; this is a source of major concern and worry to citizens. We need to face that reality head on, start thinking and planning for a better future. This requires investment in education and building institutions that do not only instil order but promote justice and protect us from adopting reverse tribalism as a solution. Oversight is indispensable.  

Educating the public about what institutional tribalism entails is essential if society is to effectively deal with tribalism. Institutional tribalism refers to all behaviours that, covertly or overtly, reside in the policies, procedures, operations and influence the cultural semblance of public or private institutions – reinforcing individual prejudices and being reinforced by them in turn.

Lessons from experience have taught us that tribalism is both a barrier and enemy of human development. As a survivor of institutionalised tribalism Matabeleland does realise the importance of planning to expose it, including unwitting prejudice, early and eradicating it from society.

To break free, survivors of systemic tribalism must be equipped with the right education and be well-informed so they can detect acts of tribalism whenever they occur. But no matter how good, education and information are useless without reciprocal institutions; systems and institutions must be accessible and responsive to public interest.

Clarity on what the problem is cannot be understated; it is important that we know the past which shapes the present so we can be at the forefront of planning against tribalism for a different and better tomorrow. We need a clear vision, supported by definite plans, and coherent planning to effectively combat tribalism and deal with its outcomes in society.

We have argued in the past that post-colonial Zimbabwe State is founded on its colonial predecessor. The Rhodesia State, like other colonial states, was a military dictatorship and administrative entity, aimed nearly exclusively at extracting resources for the economic development of the metropolitan area. The state had no concern for the improvement of natives’ living conditions; it had little involvement with natives and was unaccountable to them; it took both the decision-making and implementation roles. The system was critical for the colonisers to effectively exert control over natives without their consent.

Instead of disposing of the despotic and discriminatory policies enshrined in the colonial governance template, when Mugabe’s government took over office, it seized that repressive Rhodesian governing template based on the repression of a certain population group by another. ZANU PF used that template to exert Shona will over Matabeleland.

Uncomfortable truths must be told, the biggest problem for post-colonial Zimbabwe is ZANU PF; the party is responsible for an overtly tribal and despotic mainstream politics which is projected in national policies; it is not a secret that under ZANU PF, independence in Zimbabwe has descended into a tribal conquest and Shona supremacy regime. In independent Zimbabwe people of Matabeleland are dehumanised, denied of their dignity, rights, liberties, freedoms, safety, and security while favourable treatment is extended to Shona people.

We must acknowledge that tribal supremacy forms the core of the country’s moral code. This is a moral code that justifies and legitimises the discrimination of some population groups based on their identity; it legalises the extension of favour to some groups and denial of same to other population groups. We do not want to recreate the Harare moral code in Matabeleland; we do not desire to build a moral code that reverses discrimination but one that combats all forms of discrimination, extends privilege to all citizens, not some.

Defending local autonomy against the homogenising forces of the Zimbabwe State is a legitimate cause, but it is imperative that Matabeleland resists ill-conceived shallow ideas of nationalism that promote intolerance and division.

Academics in the field of social sciences argue that human beings harbour and are influenced by implicit biases however, emphasis must be placed on the fact we are intellectually capable to put together safety measures in place. There must be robust protections within the system that help society to consistently review policies and practices to identify and flush out any biases. For a better Matabeleland social, economic, and political environment, it is important for all people to know that tribalism is not inevitable nor natural, but it is a product of politicisation of difference.

Rebuilding Matabeleland is possible, but we need to be realistic about the gravity of the project to manage expectation. Post-colonial Zimbabwe institutional tribalism has damaged the foundational social, economic, and political structures of the diverse Matabeleland nation. Care must be taken that as we fight tribalism, we build genuinely inclusive institutions and we do not become tribalists ourselves. We must be clear that tribalism is never justified, and it must not be allowed backdoor access to form a moral code of Matabeleland. We do not want to build a nation that is eternally seeking enemies, promotes disdain of others, and defends a misplaced supremacy ideal.